Bribery

New Reports Detail Little Progress in Fight Against Soft Censorship

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Soft censorship continues to be a major threat to press freedom and the governments of Hungary, Mexico and Serbia appear unwilling to follow recommendations that would guarantee a non-discriminatory allocation of public funds and government advertising across the media.updates-and-logo-w

This is the common conclusion of three new reports examining soft censorship practices in Hungary, Mexico and Serbia launched today by the World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA) and the Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA) in Washington D.C.

Official soft censorship, or indirect censorship, is defined as “an array of official actions intended to influence media output, short of legal or extra-legal bans, direct censorship of specific content, or physical attacks on media outlets or media practitioners.”

Published with the support of the Open Society Foundations and research partners Mertek Media Monitor (Hungary), BIRN Serbia, and Fundar (Mexico), the three new reports provide an updated analysis of the situation as uncovered in detailed country studies conducted in 2013.

By using financial power to pressure media outlets, punish critical reporting and reward favourable coverage, biased government intervention in media sectors across the three countries not only distorts the market, but also makes it difficult for media to exercise their essential watchdog role.

“Articles of Asphyxiation: Soft Censorship in Hungary 2015 Update” shows that pressures on free and independent media
in Hungary are accelerating and that the Fidesz government is enacting new and ever-broader laws and regulations that aim to control media output. The introduction of an advertising tax and other recently passed laws, together with the unfair and opaque allocation of government advertising show that intervention in the media market aggressively increased throughout 2014 and the first half of 2015.

“Media Reform Stalled in the Slow Lane: Soft Censorship in Serbia 2015 Update” highlights small improvements to the media-related legal framework in Serbia, such as thenew Law on Public Information and Media which regulates financial relations between the state and media outlets. However, as reiterated by the new report, efforts to reform legislation alone will not suffice if the Serbian government does not fully respect these regulations.Biased subsidies to media outlets, selective government advertising contracts, and manipulation regarding licensing continue to persist in the country.

“Breaking Promises, Blocking Reform: Soft Censorship in Mexico 2015 Update” (also available in Spanish) concludes that despite presidential promises, soft censorship – most conspicuously in the form of the partisan allocation of government advertising – remains a powerful impediment to a free, independent and pluralistic media in Mexico. Despite President Enrique Peña Nieto’s 2012 pledge to create a body to oversee government advertising, regulation of the sector remains weak. Lawmakers have failed to meet deadlines to establish a legal framework, while new legislation proposed by members of the Mexican Congress to regulate government advertising has not progressed. While positive developments such as a General Law on Transparency and Access to Public Government Information promises broad access to government advertising data, compliance has so far proven extremely weak.

Through more detailed research into soft censorship practices globally, WAN-IFRA and CIMA are drawing attention to the kinds of widespread and deleterious problems facing independent media that rarely generate the same level of international outrage as direct attacks on the press. The findings and recommendations of the soft censorship research series aim to contribute to the implementation of fair and transparent rules that are necessary for the development of independent media sectors around the world.

Country reports detailing soft censorship practices in Bulgaria, Macedonia and Montenegro are currently being finalised and will be published later in 2015.

Paid for journalism and bribes undermine media credibility in Egypt

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Paid journalism and an excessive focus on commercial and political objectives have underpinned a culture of unethical journalism characterised by corrupt practices of employment, advertising disguised as news, and the ansence of transparecy, according to Untold Stories, a report by the Ethical Journalism Network.

The difference between news and “paid news” is often unclear, according to the report, written by Tarek Atia and Mohamed Abdel-Rahman. As a design element, the black “zig-zag” line in newspapers is meant to (subtly) indicate that the content below it, is advertising, or sponsored material. In reality, readers are encouraged to think they are just another article, or editorial content. They are sometimes crafted in the same font and style of the paper’s regular content.

The blurring of the lines between editorial content and commercial content is a global phenomenon and advertising sales executives offering gray-area editorial opportunities to their clients know that journalists working in newsrooms can be asked to write up content to suit the advertiser’s needs. Journalists who accept this kind of work often get salary bonuses and end up making more money than their colleagues, creating an inequality between editorial pay scales and office resentments that are potentially harmful to healthy newsroom relations.

Media either turn a blind eye to this practice, or in some cases even actively encourage editorial staff to seek out advertising opportunities as a way of enhancing their incomes.

According to veteran editors who have worked for both the public sector and private media, journalists and editorial managers frequently receive money or favors from sources – whether government agencies, businesses, individuals, or any other entities — in order to produce favorable content about them.

“This is basically advertising masking as editorial in the form of investigative reports, news reports, or any other material that may be printed in the paper, online, or broadcast on radio or television,” said a former newspaper editor in chief to the authors.

The Code of Ethics stipulates that journalists’
work be objective, independent, and in the public interest, and not for some special interest. And yet, according to the former editor in chief, the prevalence of such deceptive practices requires urgent and serious investigation to combat this phenomenon, at the individual, institutional, and national level: “No less than the credibility of the media is at stake.”

The value of the cash payments depend on the amount of editorial space on offer and on the status of the media concerned. Public figures who want to protect their image or portray themselves in a certain way often have several writers, editors or journalists on their pay roll at a select number of media outlets. The standard budget, according to experts, for this kind of paid journalism operation is in the tens of thousands of Egyptian pounds per year. On the lower end of the scale — and much more common – is the public figure or special interest body just looking for any kind of favour from a small time hack, the sort who might produce coverage that may only cost the rough equivalent of a dinner invitation.

 

Source: Tarek Atia and Mohamed Abdel-Rahman (2015) “Egypt: Zig-zag politics and the scorge of paid for journalism” in Aidan White (ed.) Untold Stories. How Corruption and Conflicts of Interests Stalk the Newsroom. Ethical Jornalism Network.

http://ethicaljournalismnetwork.org/assets/docs/220/136/92a87dc-d968188.pdf

Pakistani authorities use advertising boycotts and bribes to manipulate the media

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Provincial and national authorities have used advertising boycotts and bribes to put economic pressure on media outlets or provide incentives to keep journalists in check, Freedom House reports.

A ban on official advertisements with the Jang Group, whose Geo television station and various newspapers are known for their increasingly antigovernment editorial line, remained in effect in 2013. Both state and private interests, including the powerful intelligence agencies, reportedly pay for favorable press coverage, a practice that is exacerbated by the low salary levels of many journalists. In April 2013, the Supreme Court released a list of names of journalists, news agencies, and other entities that received payments totaling 1.7 billion rupees ($16 million) through a secret fund administered by the Pakistani government.

Source: Freedom of the Press 2014 https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2013/pakistan#.VUHi10v_9ER

First court victory against ‘brown envelope’ journalism in Nigeria

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Some publishers in Nigeria expect that the journalists working in their media get their salaries through payments from individuals or organisations in exchange for publishing their stories, denounces bbc.com.

The article interviews the editor Pau Ibe, famous in the country after an Abuja court awarded him damages against his former newspaper’s publishers, who expected him to work without pay.

‘Brown envelopes’ containing cash are handed out during press briefings, the article says, a practice “that has been going on for so long that many young journalists with whom I have spoken have no idea that it is unethical”, According to bbc.com, “you cannot expect the average Nigerian journalist to be fair in the presentation of facts”.

Direct payments and montly salaries to editors by Nigerian politicians, together with a dysfunctional judicial system, influence reporting and prevent investigative journalism.

According to the article, “established newspapers are paid to keep big stories off the front page [while] adverts are supposed to buy silence”.

The article also reminds the financial difficulties of the now defunct Next newspaper, funded by Pulitzer-winning journalist Dele Olojede, and with a clear policy against brown envelopes. After one revelation about corruption in the oil trade, scores of advertisers instantly pulled out and any organisations began to distance themselves from the newspaper, for fear of being seen to be supporting the enemy of their friends.

Source: Nigeria’s ‘brown envelope’ journalism (5 March 2015) Bbc.com http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-31748257

‘Soli’ is common and widely accepted in Ghana

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An editor-in-chief for a Ghanaian state-owned corporation who agreed to be interviewed about brown envelope journalism noted that he received USD 200 for doing an interview with “a highly placed political figure”, according to the analysis ‘Impact of Brown Envelope Journalism (BEJ) on journalistic practice in Zambia and Ghana’.

This study reveals that the practice of BEJ is commonplace in Ghana (and Zambia) and that a major factor contributing to its high prevalence is journalists’ meagre pay. Almost all the journalists surveyed and interviewed attested to engage in the practice, which is named ‘soli’ (the term itself being an abbreviation of ‘solidarity’).

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‘Brown envelope’ journalism, widespread in the Republic of the Congo

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Journalists habitually demand and accept cash and material favours from news sources, according to the African Media Barometer specially dedicated to the country. “Brown envelopes” are allegedly widespread and considered part of the common practice in the journalism sector. Event organisers and news sources have to pay “transport fares” ranging from CFAF 5000 (EURO 7,60) upward. The minimum could be several times higher in the evenings, weekends and if the journalist has to go to a rural area.

The report notes also that it is common for television and radio stations to demand fees for news to be aired. In the print sector, only a few newspapers label paid content as adverts. An interviewee notes that sometimes advertisers do not want the public to know that a report was commissioned and the newspaper is forced to carry it as news.

Separate studies conducted by the country’s anti-corruption body in 2002 and 2010 concluded that the media is one of the most corrupt sectors of the country. A report of the Congolese Media Observatory in 2009 urged journalists to refrain from accepting or demanding money from news sources. Most media houses refused to publish the recommendations and one newspaper accused the media observatory of trying to “kill” the industry.

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Zambian journalists recognise the effects of ‘ndalama yamatako’

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AFRICA – ZAMBIA – BRIBERY

Politicians use ndalama yamatako (which means ‘money of the buttocks’ and could be translated in English as ‘sitting allowance’) to assure that journalists cover favourably their rallies and speeches, the 2009 analysis “Impact of Brown Envelope Journalism (BEJ) on journalistic practice in Zambia and Ghana” found.

A female reporter working for ZANIS noted that when covering a political campaign in Zambia by one of the political parties that was contesting the 2006 elections, she was paid K 500,000 (about USD 125) recognizing that “of course it affected (her) objectivity.” The report also includes a quote from a journalist from the Times of Zambia, who explained that money “naturally made me want to write a story slanting on supporting the source”, pointing to “an inevitable influence on the reporter where he feels remorse not to write in the interest of the source.’

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Gifts in exchange for favourable coverage are common in Zambia

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AFRICA – ZAMBIA – BRIBERY

Even if the level of corruption related to sources, media houses and journalists varies from one actor to the other, the panellists interviewed for the Zambian Media Barometer explained how corruption takes place between journalists and editors and news sources, that “sometimes do not know that the writing of an article should not come at a cost”.

The report points to the fact that some newspapers like The Post follow the policy that contacts have to be made through the editor, as a means of preventing journalists from creating relationships with their sources that may compromise objectivity and integrity. Through an initiative started by MISA-Zambia, Catholic Community Radio stations have put in place policies on how to deal with gifts. In contrast, allegedly media like the Daily Mail require that a reporter receives an allowance before going out.

While several examples exist of journalists compromising their integrity, there are also many examples of journalists who stand up against and report incidences of attempted corruption. In 2006, a senior journalist at The Post, ousted MP Max Mukwakwa who had offered him an inducement with the intent of influencing the reporter’s coverage. The matter was reported to the ACC, and the MP was arrested for offering a bribe.

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Corruption continues to take place in Mongolia among the media

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ASIA – MONGOLIA – BRIBERY

Journalists accept free lunches, dinners, stays at holiday resorts, presents from members of parliament, cars, houses, political posts, or trips to Korea or China, according to the Asian Media Barometer study dedicated to Mongolia.

Up to the early 2000s, bribery and corruption used to take place openly. Since then, the number of cases appears to be more limited, but the report notes that the diminishment is because corruption is being practised in a more secretive manner.

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